Guo Fuxiang

Located towards the back of the Forbidden City, Qianqinggong (‘The Palace of Ultimate Purity’) was where Qing emperors rested and entertained, and a key venue for their policy-making. This palace was home for two important imperial seals: the Kangxi Emperor’s (fig. 1) Jingtian qinmin (‘Revere Heaven and serve thy people’) seal, housed at Xinuange (‘West Warm Pavilion’), and the Qianlong Emperor’s Guxi tianzi zhibao (‘Treasure of the Son of Heaven at Seventy’) seal, housed at Dongnuange (‘East Warm Pavilion’). The Jingtian qinmin seal is none other than the one on offer in the current Replica Shoes ’s auction.

Made from tanxiangmu with a finial in the shape of a mythical beast, the seal is 11 cm in height in its entirety, with a seal face measuring 10.15 cm on each side and a seal base measuring 4.2 cm in height. The four characters Jingtian qinmin (‘Revere Heaven and serve thy people') are carved in relief in jiudie (‘nine-layered’) seal script. The seal is clearly recorded in the Kangxi Emperor’s imperial seal catalogue Kangxi baosou copies (one in the Palace Museum and another sold in these rooms, 31st October 2004, lot 2, fig. 2), and exactly matches the corresponding record in dimension, weight, and seal text. The Jingtian qinmin seal is unusual among Qing imperial seals in its close connection to the emperor’s policies, as detailed below.

1. “Revere Heaven and Serve thy People” as the Kangxi Emperor’s major political agenda

Why did the Kangxi Emperor have a seal reading Jingtian qinmin, and why did he house it in one of his most important palaces? The answer lies in the Qing emperors’ principles of emperorship.
Over its long history, China developed a sophisticated philosophy of political mandate. The principles of imperial rule were the crystallisation of the basic Chinese understanding of nature and society, and shaped the political agendas of the emperors of the successive dynasties. After two millennia, these principles were condensed into the Qing emperors’ guiding principles of Jingtian; fazu; qinzheng; and aimin (‘Revere Heaven; Learn from the ancestors; Be diligent at politics; and Love thy people’).¹ This articulation of emperorship and its ideal qualities represents the maturation of the Chinese philosophy of politics and particularly imperial rule, of which Jingtian qinmin was a crucial part. The emperor should “revere Heaven”, from which his political mandate was derived, to ensure its blessing and his legitimacy. To maintain the stability of his rule, he should be diligently devoted to his subjects, the foundation of the empire—to care for them, be sympathetic to their sufferings, and lessen their burdens.

As a motivated and sympathetic emperor, the Kangxi Emperor believed that Jingtian qinmin was a prerequisite for a wise rulership and adhered to it as the principle of his rule. He once said that a ruler “must revere Heaven and serve the people with his whole spirit and with every fibre of his being”, that “the way of being a ruler lies in love for the people. This is the constant principle of the emperors and the teaching of the ancestors.”² He also said, “Ever since I ascended the throne, I have worked tirelessly, night and day, guided by my desire to revere Heaven and serve my people. I dare not have the slightest hesitation in this regard."³

The Kangxi Emperor was no doubt reverential towards Heaven. Whenever a major natural disaster occurred, he would reflect on his behaviour. He also strictly observed fasts and diligently fulfilled his ritual duties.

The Kangxi Emperor often expressed his devotion to his people, whom he considered the reason for the existence of imperial rule: “Heaven gave birth to the people and then established Emperorship, not simply to bestow exceptional status or fortune on the emperor, but also to entrust him with the responsibility of moral cultivation, so that nobody within the four seas and the nine continents would be deficient in it.”⁴ He believed that the emperor must respect his people and try his best to be benevolent towards them and yield to their demands. The people were the foundation of the country, and to be devoted to them was to be devoted to political rule. Much of the Kangxi Emperor’s prose and poetry was about his diligent care of his people: “Taking on the worries of the realm before everyone else, I lose track of food and drink—all this for the people.”⁷ Such descriptions were consistent with his behaviour, as evidenced by his frequent expressions of concern about harvests, plagues of insects, and droughts in his instructions to local officials.

For the Kangxi Emperor, there was no difference between revering Heaven and serving the people — Heaven’s will was the people’s will. He adhered to this principle throughout his reign. The present Jingtian qinmin seal is thus not at all accidental, but expresses the emperor’s strong beliefs.

2. Jingtian qinmin seals and the Kangxi, Yongzheng, and Qianlong Emperors

I have seen four Qing-dynasty imperial seals reading Jingtian qinmin. The first is the current lot. The second is made of white jade with a finial in the form of entwined dragons, with a seal face measuring 9.2 cm on each side. The carving is executed in the style of the Kangxi period: the dragons have narrow and energetically coiled bodies and fierce expressions. The sides of the seal are carved with the Qianlong Emperor’s Four-Character Poem on the Jingtian Qinmin Seal with a Preface, which are dated to “spring of the wuchen year of the Qianlong reign”, in other words, the 13th year of the Qianlong period (1748). This seal has been burnt; only half of it remains, and its body is cracked throughout. The third example, with a seal face measuring 9.65 cm on each side, is also made of white jade with a finial in the form of entwined dragons characteristic of the Qianlong period, and also carved with the aforementioned poem with a preface by the Qianlong Emperor. It is dated to “spring of the wuwu year of the Qianlong reign”, also the 63rd year of the Qianlong period (1798), which was officially the third year of the Jiaqing reign. Both white jade seals are in the collects ion of the Palace Museum in Beijing.

Direct references to Jingtian qinmin seals include the following:

Records of the Imperial Workshops dated to the 1st year of the Yongzheng reign (1723) relate that “on the 22nd day [of the first month], Prince Yi submitted […] a white jade seal with double dragons reading Wanji yuxia (‘Ten thousand duties and little remaining t.mes ’) and a tanxiangmu seal reading Jingtian qinmin. It was decreed that the text of Wanji yuxia on the white jade seal be erased and replaced with a rubbings of the text of Jingtian qinmin on the sandalwood seal… On the 1st day of the 3rd month, a white jade seal with double dragons reading Jingtian qinmin was copied and submitted by Prince Yi together with a brocade box with an ivory cover. On the 25th day of the 7th month, Head Eunuch Su Peisheng brought the original sandalwood Jingtian qinmin seal and placed it in Dabaoxiang (‘Grand Seal Repository’).”⁸ These entries are crucial because they indicate clearly the material of Kangxi Emperor’s Jingtian qinmin seal and its relationship to the Yongzheng-era copy, a white jade seal with a double-dragon finial.

The second reference is the aforementioned Four-Character Poem on the Jingtian Qinmin Seal with a Preface by the Qianlong Emperor. Reflecting upon the Qianlong Emperor’s understanding of “reverence for Heaven and devotion to the people, the preface states, “My father had a box made to house the many seals my grandfather used for his calligraphy, except for this very seal, as he wished to use it for his own calligraphy. I have followed his footsteps to store his seals, and yet leaving the same one for my own regular use. This one seal has been used by three generations and has yielded an unlimited amount of blessings on the realm. Why have I had its text carved again? It is because of its important.mes aning.”⁹ The Qianlong Emperor evidently believed that the white jade version was the one that his grandfather and father used.

An entry in the records of the Imperial Workshops dated to the 2nd month of the 14th year of the Qianlong reign (1749) relates that “On the 29th day of the 9th month of the 12th year, the eunuch Hu Yingrui came to say that the eunuch Hu Shijie submitted a celadon jade Jingtian qinmin seal. It was decreed that Zhu Cai inscribe on the seal’s four sides [the Qianlong Emperor’s Four-Character Poem on the Jingtian Qinmin Seal with a Preface]. On the 7th day of the 11th month, Head Eunuch Wendan submitted a white jade Jingtian qinmin seal. It was decreed that Zhu Cai inscribe on the seal’s four sides [the Qianlong Emperor’s Four-Character Poem on the Jingtian Qinmin Seal with a Preface].”¹⁰ This indicates that the Qianlong Emperor’s poems were written in the 12th year of his reign (1747) and that he ordered the famous court seal carver Zhu Cai to engrave the second Jingtian qinmin seal.

The three extant Jingtian qinmin seals and corresponding historical documents provide a clear picture. Contrary to the Qianlong Emperor’s indication that the same Jingtian qinmin seal was passed down from his grandfather and father, there were in fact three such seals, created respectively in the Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong reigns. The latter were both copies of the Kangxi Emperor’s.

The Kangxi Emperor created the tanxiangmu version and had it housed in Xinuange in Qianqinggong.

The Yongzheng Emperor, in the first year of his reign (1723), ordered that the Kangxi Emperor’s white jade Wanji yuxia seal, with a finial in the form of entwined dragons be effaced and inscribed with Jingtian qinmin. This copy was placed in Xinuange, and the original tanxiangmu version was moved to the box that housed the Kangxi Emperor’s imperial seals. As the Qianlong Emperor catalogued and organised his father’s seals after ascending the throne, he kept the white jade version in Xinuange. In 1748, the Qianlong Emperor composed his Four-Character Poem on the Jingtian Qinmin Seal with a Preface to expound on the importance of “reverence for Heaven and devotion to the subjects”, and in the following year had the text inscribed on the white jade seal.

In the 2nd year of the Jiaqing reign (1797), there was an outbreak of fire in Qianqinggong, and the Yongzheng Emperor’s white jade copy was severely damaged. In view of its importance, the Qianlong Emperor had a copy of it created in the same material and with the same inscriptions, but here the finial is in the style of the Qianlong period, and the Emperor’s poems are dated to the 3rd year of the Jiaqing reign (fig. 3). The Qianlong Emperor’s copy was housed in Xinuange like the two previous versions until the end of the Qing Dynasty.

Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong, the three emperors at the height of Qing dynasty power and influence, each created a Jingtian qinmin seal. What was important for them was not the seals themselves, but rather the significance of “revering Heaven and serving the people.” This was not only the Kangxi Emperor’s motto but also the principle by which the Yongzheng and Qianlong Emperors ruled. As the Qianlong Emperor suggested, the seal’s values lies not in its material or craftsmanship, but in its profound meaning. As the first of the Qing emperors’ three Jingtian qinmin seals, the tanxiangmu seal on offer has immense historical and cultural value.

3. The material, carving, and impressions of the Kangxi Emperor’s Jingtian qinmin seal

The Kangxi Emperor’s Jingtian qinmin seal is remarkable for its material and carving. Tanxiangmu served as the material of Qing imperial seals mostly during the reigns of the Kangxi Emperor and Empress Dowager Cixi. Kangxi-era tanxiangmu seals range from over 10 cm to several cent.mes tres in width, and are exclusively made from a single block of tanxiangmu. Their finials tend to be in the form of mythical animals with plump bodies, robust limbs, small and oblong heads, pig-like snouts and noses, small eyes gazing horizontally forward, and horned, detailed with several turfs of curly hair on the back of the neck. These carvings tend to be rendered plainly, with simple and fluid contours. By contrast, large tanxiangmu seals of the Cixi era tend to comprise bases and finials created separately and attached together, and their finials tend to be in the form of entwined dragons. The current lot is typical and representative of tanxiangmu imperial seals of the Kangxi period.

The Kangxi baosou in the Palace Museum in Beijing records that the Jingtian qinmin seal “could be used freely on large-scale calligraphy by the emperor.” In reality, its use seems to have followed a stricter pattern. No impressions of the seal from the Kangxi reign have been found to date, but two works bearing Jingtian qinmin impressions from the Yongzheng and Qianlong periods suggest how the Kangxi Emperor may have used his seal. The first work is Giuseppe Castiglione’s 1727 painting of Auspicious Grain, which bears an inscription by the Yongzheng Emperor on moral cultivation and devotion to his people followed by a seal impression of Jingtian qinmin. The second work is Ten Praises by the Song painter Zhang Xian, which depicts an elegant gathering of literati during a peaceful age. The painting has a calligraphic frontispiece by the Qianlong Emperor, above which is a seal impression of Jingtian qinmin. Both works are thematically related to peace and prosperity under the rule of a good emperor.

From the above, it is clear that for the Kangxi Emperor, the tanxiangmu Jingtian qinmin seal was a supremely important object. It testifies to the close correspondence between the Kangxi Emperor’s philosophical ideals and his deeds as emperor, as well as his compassion towards his subjects. More importantly, the seal was regarded highly by the Yongzheng and Qianlong Emperors, who both created copies of it in white jade; the Qianlong Emperor even made his copy the very first entry of Baosou. As the only example of a seal text used by three successive Qing emperors, the tanxiangmu Jingtian qinmin seal is of immense historical, cultural, and artistic value.

¹ Chang Jianhua, Qingdai de guojia yu shehui yanjiu [A study of the Qing empire and society], Beijing, 2006, pp. 1-70.
² Qing Shenzu shilu [Veritable records of the Kangxi reign], vol. 234, 9th month of the 47th year of the Kangxi reign (1708).
³ 'Jingtian [Reverence for Heaven]', Qing Shengzu sheng xun [Teaching of the Kangxi Emperor], vol. 10, 11th month of the 36th year of the Kangxi reign (1697-8).
4 [Qing] Zhang Qin, ed., Kangxi zheng yao [Important political records of the Kangxi reign], vol. 1. Beijing, 1994.
⁵ [Qing] Xuanye [the Kangxi Emperor], Yuzhi shi [Anthology of imperial poems], er ji [part 2], vol. 43.
⁶ [Qing] Xuanye [the Kangxi Emperor], Yuzhi wen ji [Anthology of imperial text], vol. 19.
⁷ See note 5.
⁸ China First Archive and the Art Museum of the Chinese University of Hong Kong, ed., Qinggong Neiwufu Zaobanchu dang’an zonghui [General collects ion of archival records from the Qing imperial household department workshop], Beijing, 2005, vol. 1, p. 93, Yuzuo [Jadewares] entry dated to the first month of the first year of the Yongzheng reign (1723).
⁹ [Qing] Hongli [the Qianlong Emperor], Qing gaozong yuzhi shiwen quanji [Anthology of imperial Qianlong poems and text], yuzhi shi er ji [Imperial poems, part 2], vol. 1.
¹⁰ See note 8, op.cit., vol. 16, p. 584, Ruyiguan [Hall of Fulfilled Wishes] entry dated to the 2nd month of the 14th year of the Qianlong reign (1749).

中國藝術品

那些爺爺教我的事

自從本皇登位以來，日夜埋首工作，一心為了代天統治，
敬仰上蒼、勤政愛民，不敢有絲毫猶豫。
康熙三十六年清聖祖〈清聖祖聖訓．敬天〉云：
「朕自御極以來，早夜孜孜，以敬天勤民為念，不敢少有逸豫。」

郭福祥

位於紫禁城後部的乾清宮為清代帝王寢興之所，是宮中重要的政治策源地。這裏曾貯存過兩方在清代歷史上非常重要的寶璽，一方是貯存在西暖閣中的源於康熙皇帝（圖一）的「敬天勤民」寶，另一方是貯存於東暖閣的乾隆皇帝的「古稀天子之寶」。此次香港蘇富比公司徵集到的檀香木異獸鈕「敬天勤民」寶即是那方康熙時期收存於乾清宮西暖閣的原印。

此寶檀香木質，異獸鈕，印面10.15公分見方，通高11公分，印臺高4.2公分。印文為九疊篆「敬天勤民」四字，陽文。此璽在現藏於北京故宮及香港蘇富比2004年10月31日的兩冊《康熙寶藪》中都有明確著錄（圖二），經與實物比對，無論是體量，還是篆法佈局都與《寶藪》中的記載完全相合，可以確定此璽為康熙皇帝寶璽的真品。鑒於此寶在清代皇帝璽印中非常特殊，與清朝政治綱領有密切關係，故在這裡對相關問題略加陳述，以便於更好地理解此寶的內涵和價值。

一、「敬天勤民」是康熙政綱的重要內容

康熙皇帝為什麼要以「敬天勤民」為印文刻製寶璽？為什麼又要將這方「敬天勤民」寶置於乾清宮如此重要的地方？要理解這個問題，就必須從清代統治者的為政準則中尋找答案。

在中國漫長的帝制歷史中，形成了一套成熟而完備的統治理念。最高統治者皇帝的統治準則和措施更是集中了中國傳統文化對自然以及社會主宰力量的基本認識，形成了不同時代皇帝統治的政治綱領。經過兩千多年的演化和沉澱，到清代乾隆時期最終被概括為「敬天法祖勤政愛民」八字政綱，成為清代皇帝行政的最為重要的指導思想。這一政綱濃縮、提煉了中國傳統政治文化對於皇帝的定義，總結了國家賴以良性運轉所需要的皇帝的條件，標誌著中國傳統政治文化特別是其中的皇帝政治文化的發展與成熟。¹ 而「敬天勤民」則是其中十分重要的組成部分。所以敬天，是因為皇帝是天之子，其統治是代天敷治，天命所歸。敬天是為了仰答眷命，得到上天的庇佑，表明自己統治的正統性。所以勤民，是因為民為邦本，是統治穩固的基礎。勤民就是愛民，要關心民生，廑念民間疾苦，同情民困，不為民累，這樣統治才能長治久安。

作為一位勵精圖治、關心民生的皇帝，康熙認為「敬天勤民」是實現政治清明的必要條件，是一個明君應該具備的基本品質。他曾講，人君「惟當敬天勤民，鞠躬盡瘁而已」，「君道在於愛民，此帝王之常經，祖宗之家法」。² 因此他常以敬天勤民鞭策自己，表示「朕自御極以來，早夜孜孜，以敬天勤民為念，不敢少有逸豫」。³ 以敬天勤民為行政的準則。

在敬天方面，康熙皇帝的態度非常虔誠，遇到比較大的自然災害，都能夠反躬自問，內省己過。特別強調齋戒虔禱，凡廟壇祭祀，都要親自去行禮，從不敢懈怠。

在勤民方面，康熙皇帝認為君主是為百姓而設立的。「天生民而立之君，非特予以崇高富貴之具而已，固將副教養之責，使四海九洲無一夫不獲其所也」。⁴ 因此作為君主要尊重百姓，時存誠敬之心。「臨民以主敬為本。昔人有言一念不敬，或貽四海之憂；一日不敬，或以致千百年之患」。⁵ 尊重百姓，就是要千方百計為百姓謀利益，順民意，為民生。百姓是國家的根本，勤民的具體表現就是勤政。在康熙的御製詩文集中，經常可以看到康熙皇帝對自己勤政的記述。「朕撫御天下，每以民生為念，夙興夜寐，無時少懈也」，⁶「朕先憂而飲食俱廢者，為民也」。⁷ 在給地方大臣的批示中，也經常可以看到他對諸如莊稼收成、蟲災、旱澇的關注。在勤民勤政這一點上，康熙皇帝可謂言行一致。

在康熙看來，敬天與勤民是統一的，天意即民意，敬天即是敬民意，敬天就要愛民。這是他自始至終堅持的一項基本治國方略，為政的座右銘。因此，其在位期間刻製此方「敬天勤民」寶，絕非偶然，而是有其深意的。

二、康熙、雍正、乾隆三帝與「敬天勤民」寶

到目前為止，筆者共見到過三方清代的「敬天勤民」寶。第一方即此次拍賣的這方檀香木異獸鈕寶。第二方白玉質，交龍鈕，印面9.2公分見方。印鈕為康熙時期風格，交龍身體細勁，神態威猛。印體四周刻有乾隆皇帝的《敬天勤民寶四言詩有序》御製詩，落款時間為「乾隆戊辰春」，即乾隆十三年（1748年）。此寶曾經過火燒，整體酥裂，現僅殘存一半。第三方亦為白玉質，交龍鈕，印面9.65公分見方。印鈕是典型的乾隆時期風格，印體四周也刻有乾隆御書《敬天勤民寶四言詩有序》，落款時間為「乾隆戊午春」，即乾隆六十三年，也就是嘉慶三年（1798年）。後面兩方現在都收藏於北京故宮博物院。

關於「敬天勤民」寶的文獻記載，比較直接的有以下幾則：

一是雍正元年（1723年）的造辦處活計檔中的記錄。正月「二十二日，怡親王交六獸鈕黃壽山石「體元主人」圖書一方、雙龍白玉「萬幾餘暇」圖書一方、檀香木「敬天勤民」圖書一方。奉旨：白玉圖書上「萬幾餘暇」字磨平，將檀香木圖書上「敬天勤民」字砣做在白玉圖書上，其檀香木圖書不必動。再將白玉圖書上「萬幾餘暇」字照「體元主人」圖書式樣另尋壽山石補做一方。欽此；於二月初四日，刻得收貯螭鈕壽山石「萬幾餘暇」圖書一方，並原交「體元主人」圖書一方，怡親王呈進訖；三月初一日，砣做得雙龍白玉「敬天勤民」圖書一方，隨象牙頂錦匣，怡親王呈進訖；七月二十五日，原交檀香木「敬天勤民」圖書一方，首領太監蘇培盛持去，入在大寶箱內訖。」⁸ 檔案中所言的「圖書」是印章的別稱。這條記錄非常重要，明確記載康熙的「敬天勤民」寶是檀香木質地，雍正重刻的是白玉雙龍鈕寶，釐清了第一方檀香木寶和第二方白玉寶之間的關係。

二是乾隆皇帝所作的《敬天勤民寶四言詩有序》的御製詩。詩的序言為：「皇祖御書鈐用諸璽，皇考製箱以藏之，惟留是寶於外，以鈐用御書。予小子敬遵成典，收藏皇考御寶時亦留是寶於外，常鈐用焉。是寶也，經三世而一例寶用，且將垂之奕禩而無窮，豈以追琢其章哉？蓋取義有足重耳。」⁹ 該序反映出乾隆皇帝對「敬天勤民」寶的認識。他認為「敬天勤民」寶只有一方，那就是第二方「敬天勤民」白玉寶，是他的祖父康熙、父親雍正和他自己三世傳用之寶。

三是乾隆十四年（1749年）二月的造辦處活計檔：「十二年九月二十九日太監胡應瑞來說太監胡世傑交漢玉「敬天勤民」寶一方，傳旨：寶上著朱采四面照樣刻字，欽此。於十一月初七日首領文旦交白玉「敬天勤民」寶一方，傳旨：寶上著朱采四面照樣刻字，欽此。」¹⁰ 說明乾隆皇帝的御製詩作於乾隆十二年（1747年），並於第二年命內廷著名刻字匠朱采將其刻在第二方「敬天勤民」寶的四周。

通過以上三方實物和文獻記載，關於「敬天勤民」寶的來龍去脈也就十分清楚了。「敬天勤民」寶並非像乾隆御製詩所言，只有一方，三世傳用。而是共有三方，分別為康熙、雍正、乾隆三朝所刻，雍正、乾隆所製者都是以康熙之璽為藍本。

康熙年間，製作了檀香木「敬天勤民」寶，存放於乾清宮西暖閣，即第一方檀香木「敬天勤民」寶。

雍正元年（1723年），雍正皇帝授意磨去康熙皇帝的「萬幾餘暇」白玉交龍鈕璽的印文，而於其上重鐫「敬天勤民」。這方重刻的白玉「敬天勤民」寶取代前一方檀香木「敬天勤民」寶置於乾清宮西暖閣，原檀香木寶則被放入專門收存康熙皇帝璽印的大寶箱中。乾隆繼位以後，對雍正皇帝的寶璽進行整理，沿襲了雍正皇帝的做法，仍將白玉交龍「敬天勤民」璽留在原處。乾隆十三年（1748年），乾隆皇帝特別為此璽作《敬天勤民寶四言詩》，闡發「敬天勤民」的重要性，並於第二年命工匠將其刻在該璽的四周。這就是第二方白玉交龍鈕「敬天勤民」寶。

嘉慶二年（1797年）乾清宮火災，雍正重刻的白玉寶被燒殘。鑒於其重要性，乾隆皇帝於第二年又命造辦處重新製作一方，印文完全和雍正時的白玉寶相同，而印鈕則是乾隆時期的樣式。寶四周也刻有乾隆的御製詩，只是落款的時間變成了重新製作時的嘉慶三年。這方寶製作後仍按照康熙和雍正時候的慣例，放在乾清宮西暖閣，直到清朝結束。這就是第三方白玉交龍鈕「敬天勤民」寶（圖三）。

處於清王朝發展鼎盛時期的康熙、雍正、乾隆皇帝均鐫刻有「敬天勤民」寶，他們重視的並不是寶璽本身，而是「敬天勤民」四字所蘊含的意義和思想。「敬天勤民」不僅是康熙帝的座右銘，也是雍正、乾隆帝的為政之準則。正如乾隆所說：「匪貴其材，實珍其義」。此次拍賣的檀香木寶作為清代三方「敬天勤民」寶中的第一方，其重要的歷史價值不言而喻。

三、康熙「敬天勤民」寶的材質、雕刻和印跡追蹤

此方康熙「敬天勤民」寶的材質和雕刻令人印象深刻。檀香木作為製作皇帝御用璽印的材質，在清代歷史上主要集中在兩個時期。一個是清早期，特別是康熙時期。康熙時期的檀香木寶大的十幾公分，小的幾公分，都是用一整塊木料雕刻而成。印鈕多為異獸鈕，異獸身體豐腴，四肢健碩，頭部細長，平行前視，單角，眼細小，類似豬的嘴鼻，後頸兩邊有幾縷捲曲的毛髮。整個雕刻風格拙樸，線條流暢、簡潔。另一個是清晚期，主要是慈禧皇太后的寶璽。大小均有，小的用一塊材料雕刻，大的基本上是印鈕和印體分開製作，再連接合成。印鈕多為交龍鈕。此方「敬天勤民」寶即是典型的康熙時期的檀香木寶璽，從中可見康熙時期檀香木寶璽印鈕雕刻的基本面貌。

北京故宮藏《康熙寶藪》記載：「敬天勤民，隨便御筆大字上可用。」但實際上，此方「敬天勤民」寶的鈐用似有一定的規律。儘管到現在為止我們還沒有見到康熙「敬天勤民」寶的鈐用痕跡，但從現存的兩件雍正和乾隆時期鈐有「敬天勤民」寶的作品可以大致推知康熙時的使用情況。其中一件是雍正五年（1727年）郎世寧繪製的《瑞穀圖》，圖中所書雍正皇帝有關修德勤民諭旨的結尾處鈐有「敬天勤民」寶。另一件是宋人張先《十詠圖》，描寫的是太平盛世氛圍下的文人雅會，卷前乾隆御筆引首「誦芬寫妙」大字上部中間鈐有「敬天勤民」寶。從這兩件作品的題材可知，「敬天勤民」寶鈐用的作品大都表現的是皇帝治理下的國家安定、政治清明。

綜上可知，此方檀香木「敬天勤民」寶是康熙皇帝非常重要的一方寶璽，與康熙皇帝一貫堅持的為政原則高度契合，是康熙皇帝敬天愛民思想的歷史見證。更為重要的是，此方寶璽同樣受到雍正、乾隆皇帝的高度關注，他們先後以此為藍本重新刻製了兩方白玉「敬天勤民」寶。特別是乾隆皇帝，還將重刻的「敬天勤民」寶放在《寶藪》第一的位置上，可見其重視程度。同一印文設計，先後被三個皇帝刻成寶璽相沿使用，這在清代帝后寶璽中恐怕是絕無僅有的，彰顯出康熙此寶所具有的重要歷史價值、文化價值和藝術價值。

¹ 常建華，《清代的國家與社會研究》，北京，2006年，頁1-70。
²《清聖祖實錄》，卷234，康熙四十七年九月。
³《清聖祖聖訓》，卷10，「敬天」，康熙三十六年十一月。
⁴ [清]章梫，《康熙政要》，卷1，北京，1994年。
⁵ [清]玄燁，《御製詩二集》，卷43。
⁶ [清]玄燁，《御製文集》，卷19。
⁷ 同註5。
⁸ 中國第一歷史檔案館、香港中文大學文物館合編，《清宮內務府造辦處檔案總匯》，北京，2005年，卷1，頁93，雍正元年正月「玉作」。
⁹ [清]弘曆，《御製詩二集》，卷1。
¹⁰ 同註8，卷16，頁584，乾隆十四年二月「如意館」。